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disgusted in a whole parade of traders, and that includes john mccain, lindsey graham, george bush, who has sponsored the center in texas, and i suffered through two hours of propaganda out of the bush center, and they treat america as a whorehouse. stephen moore treats america like a whorehouse. it is not about the money. c-span keeps playing all of these people. i want to see some balance. one thing mentioned at the george bush center from the hispanic chamber of commerce guy, he was lobbing these wonderful hispanic companies. have any of them enrolled in either a five so they will be true to the 1986 amnesty, which, at that point, required all employers verify eligibility by these workers. they have not done it. we have george bush, mccain, they have done nothing but subvert the law for the last 25 years, and they are trying to put the nail in our coffin now. i would like to see more balance from c-span. there was a wonderful march for jobs in washington dc. i have seen none of that on c- span. i would love to see that. jeb, much loved in alabama, he was the speaker of the conference. th
believe the economy was so messed up by george bush that obama struggled mightily to overcome this horrible situation he inherited. the second reason is most americans believe republicans only care about rich people. and those are branding problems that the republican party has to to overcome. and it's hard to overcome it because you've got three obstacles; academia, hollywood and our major media, all of which are overwhelmingly liberal. when you say something, it's got to be interpreted through the filter of those three entities, and often it's been distorted. >> host: larry elder is our guest, this is booktv on c-span2 live from the los angeles times festival of books, campus of usc. mike's in fort worth, texas. hi, mike. >> caller: how's it going, larry? my -- pretty good. i'm a african-american democrat, but i agree with you one of the big problems in the african-american community is lack of fathers in the house. but i think, larry, when you say that, you kind of come off kind of harsh on black people. now, what's the reason behind the lack of a lot of fathers being in th
. there is an inspector general. all kinds of safeguards. i met with george bush when he talked about this program when it was first revealed by the new york times. when al qaeda calls somebody in the united states, i want to know who they are calling. that is the underlying philosophy of this program. that is the purpose. we are talking again. it tends to spill over into people thinking we are monitoring their content. we are not. these are metadata. it is outside of the envelope that is sent to your mailbox. that information. and the date stamp and the postage. >> jonathan stray, do you think the director painted an accurate picture of the program? >> i think there is a problem with metadata. it is not the content. who you talk to, who do associate with is in many cases more valuable the private information of what you are saying. there is looking at networks of people and communities and looking at their patterns of influence. i think it is metadata -- oversight -- and they have posters on the wall and regulations and agents monitoring it. i suspect there have been strong and good faith efforts to p
everything we could to overthrow the democratically-elected government of president aristide. george bush blocked loans from the interamerican development foundation of $146 million loans for education, water and things like that. the international republican institute arranged and organized the opposition to it and then we as a country trained rebel soldiers in the dominican republic, trained and armed them to come to haiti to overthrow the government and then the last analysis, those were a pulse didn't figure into it. bush carried out the coup himself on american soldiers who arrived at the home of the president and took him off at 3:00 in the morning to the central african republic. we have to had to go there. maxine waters, a jamaican parliamentarian and sharon webster and the president's lawyer flew off to rescue him to bring him back to jamaica and then condoleezza rice threatened to make the jamaican government -- threatened to make it very difficult for them if jamaica accepted aristide even for a matter of days before he went to south africa. all because he said the minimum inco
somewhere that barbara bush is related to the polks and she used their dinner service while her and george bush was in the office. is that true? >> i don't know. good question. >> as our series progresses, as we get it barbara bush, we'll answer that question for you. we'll go back in time and learn about how that political partnership came together. you told us sarah polk was from a wealthy family in tennessee. how did she and james polk meet? >> they ran in the same circles. probably through -- either through andrew jackson or through her own father's family. polk went to the -- graduated from the university of north carolina and then went into law and studied in nashville and became clerk of the legislature and they met there or they met at andrew jackson's because the polk girls were often at the jackson's home. certainly jackson is known or we think that he advised polk to marry her. this is who you need as a wife, he would say. and then it is commonly said that she told polk she wouldn't marry him unless he ran for office but and of course he did and he won and they were married in 1
a little bit of heat from the george w. bush campaign for not being prepared to wage traditional conflict because of its bulk and deployments and task forces. typically would be the most likely vehicle. also, in the professional military education feel, absolutely correct -- the peacekeeping stabilization , the u.s.institute army war college, the national defense university -- they will continue to be pockets of expertise on which we can draw. need for goode comparative knowledge. one of the biggest challenges we -- we always have is that people over-generalize. it does not always work in one place the same as another. >> i have six people so far and there may be a few others and we will try to fit you all in. the gentle man and the last row? i am here from a study at georgetown university. is about broadening our lens for tools for transition. a conflict was the first reaction from the united states 30 or 40 years ago when the european union started working and building up the institutions for common security and defense policy. there seems to be a slight change of the discussion about b
baker had with george bush because -- i don't know exactly the reason, but i said, for example, the other day, the national security adviser went to moscow to meet with the russian president has started arranging a relationship. if i was secretary of state would not have tolerated that. that is my job. and as national security adviser , you're a staff person, not a principle. i remember when general powell got the role. he understood. he came around to me and said, i am a member of your staff. obviously the president is my main guy, but my job is to staff the council. and so i think that is beginning to get out of kilter. in my book have quite a lot to say about the structural governance and how it is going, i think, in the wrong direction. >> host: secretary george shultz, a couple more issues on your mind. number one, demographics. you're worried about demographics. >> guest: i'm not worried. an observant. i see that the demographics of the world had changed and are continuing to change rapidly. the developed countries basically have no fertility. they are getting to be older
for. george w. bush had done that i think he would've been, we would've been heard cries of impeachment. we had part of our immigration laws suspended by the president. there's just a variety of issues like that where he has gone outside. we have tension with our system, struggles between congress and the president. this one is very -- i think you'll see it continue. but there will be legal cases. >> i'm going to try to bounce around a little bit but again we will get to everybody. >> i was a little concerned to find that you were not in support of making the continuing resolution contingent upon removing what optional spending you move on obamacare. i feel very strongly. i speak from a point of view -- [applause] >> i think they do, too. >> this is not theoretical for me because two weeks ago today my husband and i paid in cash for our son to have major surgery. but, you know, what? that's the price i paid for the liberty of my children. i'm self-employed. i understand the consequent of that as i've limited options thanks our government on insurance. i understand that i
as undersecretary of the treasury during the george w. bush administration and was part of the council of economic advisers. specimen so much for being here today. -- thank you so much for being here today. special thanks to mohammed el- erian and mr. taylor for flying from california. i want to kick off the panel with you. you coined the term, the new normal in 2009. your outlook for the economy has been dead on. how much longer is this economy going to remain in the new normal? >> let me take you back to 2009 when the new normal concept came out. the idea was to signal that it would not be your traditional cyclical recovery. unless the mindset in washington changed, and there was a better understanding of the underlying dynamics, we risked getting stuck. in a keyword of unusually sluggish growth, high unemployment, that is when it materialized. go back to the concept of the economy stuck in second gear. let me push this analogy. it is not just stuck in second gear, it is being driven on a foggy road. there is some good news. we are doing better than others. europe was in reverse and just went to
hardly ever come up. they were attacking dick cheney, attacking george bush with, attacking the fbi and others, nsa had pretty much been unscathed in all this. the only time it really came up as a matter of debate in the intelligence committee was people from the nsa coming forward and saying what a rough time they were having with the fisa court, how hard it was for them to get court orders, how hard it was to be able to follow up on the information they were getting. this is not a rubber stamp. this is constantly scrutinized. it's also scrutinized by the house and senate intelligence committees. i worry saying congress is keeping an eye on it for you isn't exactly a vote of confidence. but, seriously, people on the intelligence committee take it very seriously. i can tell you that this stuff is looked at very, very carefully. so i think we have to keep all of this in mind. i don't see any significant violation of civil liberties. i don't see any significant -- to me, if we have a balanced thought like with zazi in 2009, zazi, and this is one of those forest gump moments where you
to talk about the cause of this and we took a little bit of heat from the george w. bush campaign is for not being prepared to wage traditional conflict due to the task force is. this would be the most likely vehicle also in the professional military education sphere. the peacekeeping stabilization operation institute and the u.s. army war college in the national defense immigration will continue to be part of this is expertise onto which we can draw. but i do expect good compared to matters. one case study talks about how it took more care can work anywhere. >> we have about six people so far and maybe a few others to try to fit you all in. >> hello, my name is piers martin and i'm here at the georgetown university. my question is related to one of the main ideas which is to broaden our positions and a conflict that was one of the first reactions from the united states is reaction and the european union started. working and building of institutions for common security and defense policy. as there seems to be quite a change of discussion right now because the discussions we are ha
mac. from the george w. bush presidential center in dallas, this is 40 minutes. [applause] >> thank you, mr. secretary, for the kind introduction. i don't know if you can see me, this is a rather large podium. [laughter] it reminds me of what i frequently tell my washington colleagues, everything's bigger in texas but me. [laughter] if you can't see me, at least you can hear me. anyway, i was delighted to accept the invitation to speak before the bipartisan policy center for a couple of reasons. number one, because of the outstanding work that you have done in the housing arena and, number two, i live about three miles from here, so it took me about seven minutes to get here. anyway, the truth is as a fairly new chairman of standing committee of congress, if the truth be known, i have a number of speaking invitations that come my way. a lot of press that's interested in speaking to me, but i assure you, i do not have to work to remain humble. but because i have a lot of speaking invitations, i accept a lot of them. and at this home about three miles are here, about two months ago i
of the candidate people kind of thought he was conservative. conservative. the president -- george h.w. bush did. but then hep turned out not to be. and, you know, the mantra was no so now they nd are -- now adam said, they're that they know the pedigree much more deeply before -- before they nominate somebody. so that they're not going to change. clarence thomas once said, i ain't evolving. hasn't, really. evolving.ng of not we're sbrels in media law issues here and where the court may go first amendment sorts of issues including these technologies that we're talking may not be the court as comfortable with them. i have a worry that down the oad there may be bad law made by justices that aren't as comfortable with technologies. they're comfortable with radio, maybe not internet, facebook, or twitter. share concerns or see issues arising on this. concerns.ave those i did a column last weekend which pointed out that the chief worry said the biggest for him are these technology ssues that they don't really understand very well. and that they know that they with, cell phone apabilities and easier
there were uncontrolled bureaucracies under george bush. it goes back to the thing we kind of started out with. the federal government is out of control. but it has been predicted by all of the historians that the republic would fail. the question is, how do we teach history, go back, every embrace the thing that made america great? and as i said earlier, i think we have to get in charge. i have been working for nine years to try to make a big difference. i have made a small difference. i worked every day trying to do things. i am convinced the only way we do that is half the state start exerting their temporary authority and reassessing -- [applause] -- changes to the constitution that restore federalism in the constitution. and so i think that is the way. you are frustrated. you want to see me in washington. asked my staff. as my wife. i want to pull my hair out. you know, i see two things. i see the constitution, and see what is happening to it. then i see grown men and women who know what the constitution says you don't care. that is what really makes me want to pull my hair out. they
as even can for this president. though this program started under george bush. i do not think edward snowden would have had the courage to come out with something like this during that administration because we would not even know where he was right now if he was anywhere. guest: i am sympathetic. i think many in his theynistration know better. know there is a first amendment that whistleblowers need to be protected. he campaigned to get national security whistle-blowers and intelligence whistle-blowers equal rights to other federal employees. i was at that meeting where his administration backed off the promise is very early on. capitulated to the same special interests. it has been that way for all the residents.bush, everybody has gone along with the exception of intelligence. it is disappointing, extremely disappointing, but that is the nature of our political system right now.it's up to the american people to voice their concerns. demand all federal employees need the safe, effective channels to voice concerns and will lead to a full review of their concerns. we need to push for
't the same kind of relationships that i had with president nixon that, say, jim baker had with george bush. because i don't know exactly the reason. but i saw, for example, the other day that the national security adviser went to moscow to meet with putin and started ranging that relationship. if i was secretary of state, i would not tolerate that. that's my job. and the national security adviser's a staff person, not a principal. i remember when colin powell got the job of secretary of national security adviser, he understood. and he came around to me, and he said i'm a member of your staff. obviously, the president's my main guide, but with my job is to staff the could be is ill. the council. and so i think that's beginning to get out of kilter, and in my book i have quite a lot to say about the structure of governance and how it's going, i think, in the wrong direction. >> host: secretary schultz, a couple more issues on your mind. number one, demographics. you're worried about demographics. >> guest: oh, i'm not worried about it, i'm observant of it. i see that the demographics of the
, for operations are supported, we cut the budget and increased the number of overseas activities, and george w. bush did not run for president -- if you go back to his campaign, he did not run promising a big defense buildup and he was not intending to make foreign policy the centerpiece of his policy, and he ended up making the most fraught decision about the war in iraq. i do not think cutting our military will be the best way to keep us out of trouble in the south china sea. i want steadiness and resolve and let's sustain the rebalance. that means we can make modest cuts in defense. >> amen. i feel like i should applaud. i think that was very powerful on michael's part. i would not put all my eggs in one basket. i want peace through strength or a modern-day version of it because i want a military that deters. i want other things, too. i want strong allies, our partners' capacity to be robust enough to defend themselves if needed and take care of their neighborhoods, so to speak. i want all of our tools of soft power to be effective, partly through the reinforcement from our hard power. i wa
act. that law was signed in by george w. bush. it is governed programs for disadvantaged students. essentially we hear from conservatives, tea party members in particular, that this is inappropriate. we also hear that there are progressives, people on the left-end of the spectrum -- there might be more standardized testing. you have people on the left and the right who have critiques of the standards. there are concerns about the content and the skepticism on fairly nuanced issues. there are literacy standards in which they expect students to work a lot with textbooks, including nonfiction and not just fiction. diaries. there are some traditional things. also, you might be expecting too much, but they have to grapple with text content. there are some struggling readers. >> we will open up the phone lines in a minute. we will ask our viewers about the government's role in k-12 education. states get a warning about the no child left behind. they said the education department last thursday said that three of the 40 states granted waivers from the no child left behind law were at high
because they were uncontrolled bureaucracies under george bush. i expense them, and he did, too. he goes back to the thing we kind of started out with, is the federal government is out of control. but it's been predicted by all the historians that our republic will fail. so the question is how do we cheat history? how do we go back? how do we really base -- we embrace the things that made america great. as i said earlier i think we have to get in charge. i've been working for nine years to try to make a big difference. i have made a small difference, not a bi big difference. by me, i've worked every day trying to do things. that i'm convinced the only way we do that is the states exert their tenth amendment authority and start reassessing -- [applause] changes to the constitution that restore federalism and a constitutional republic. and so i think that's the way. you are frustrated. you ought to see me in washington. asked by staff. i want people -- ask my wife. i want to pull my hair out. you know, i see it into things. one is, i see the constitution and i see what's happening to it. a
by congress kerry not a dime voted for it. if george w. bush had done that, we would have had grounds for impeachment. -- cries for impeachment. we had laws that were unilaterally suspended by the president. there is a variety of issues like that where he has gone outside. so we have tension within our system, struggles between congress and the president but this one is very serious. but there will be legal cases. i am going to try and bounce around a little bit, but we will get to everybody. we are going to wear will's legs out. >> i was concerned to find out you were not in support of making the continuing resolution contingent upon removing what optional spending you can remove on obama care. i feel very strongly. from a point ofk view. two weeks ago today, my husband and i paid in cash for our son to have major surgery. four hour procedure. that is the price i pay for the liberty of my children. i am self-employed. i understand the consequences and i have limited options on insurance. i understand that i paid for a limited coverage, the limited i can expose so i do not pay $1000 a
of education under president reagan and was america's first drug czar under president george h.w. bush. that was the author of more than 24 books including two "new york times" number one bestsellers and a host of bill bennett's morning in america has received more than three honorary degrees bill and i were philosophy students together to bill will speak in a minute and he will be followed by david wilezol the co-author of kathleen tighe. david is the associate producer of the ashley syndicated bill bennett's morning in america contributor to mining the campus a policy blog. in his honor i tried to come up with an opiate let end quote addressing student debt and i suggest -- that is happy is he who has no debt. [laughter] >> that's good. [laughter] we look forward to your presentation of this provocative book. bill welcome to the aei podium. [applause] >> thank you alex. we were in the same class in williams college with the same major. were it not from the honor system we had final exams and we had saturday classes. remember that? that's how old we are. i won't describe the book. i w
of defense in the george h w bush administration. who morrow is at the end covers the court for the national law journal and prior to that, he was a reporter for " legal times" and" usa today." i want to introduce terry to wner in the middle of all these reporters. she is here because she is an academic from oakland university who studies to things that are quite relevant to this particular panel. one is the supreme court and the press and the other is the role of new media. we will start with professor towner and after she finishes her presentation, we will go tonythe line from tom on and then we will open it up for questions. oakland university located in rochester, michigan. i specialize in american politics and media and politics and this is one of the reasons i am here. onresearch tends to focus the role of social media and campaigns and elections with the specific focus on the task to presidential elections, dubbed as they web 2.0 elections. examined how journalists and reporters frame media coverage of the court particularly regarding affirmative action cases. recently, the cont
assistant to president george w. bush and principal deputy press secretary. and john verrico, president-elect of the national association of government communicators. so starting with carolyn, let's hear what you have to say, just give us your overview of the subject. >> i'm going to tell you about a couple surveys i've conducted this year and the previous year. that are relevant to the topic we're discussing tonight. first, i surveyed reporters who cover federal agencies here in washington. i've got 146 respondents within margin of error of about 7%. then i surveyed current and former members of the national association of government communicators, about 154 responses for a margin of error of about 4.3%. i'm going to throw some numbers at you but i want to quantify the situation. my questions focus on the interviewing process. first, i want to talk about preapproval and routing. 98% of public affairs officers believe that they have a better idea than reporters about who in their agencies would be the best person to give an interview on a given topic. three quarters of journalists repor
expansion. under george w. bush we expanded the prescription drug part d. i opposed that. i opposed it because there was not a governmental plan available. i thought we should -- there was not universal pricing which i thought would bring down the costs dramatically. i think i'm right about both of those points, by the way. but the day after it was passed, i worked to make sure it was implemented as best we could. we worked together to make it work. and we're not seeing that on the affordable care act. we're seeing almost just a political isolation of this issue just calling it politics rather than trying to make it work the best that you can and seeking changes that you think should be changed. so i'm hoping that we can get to that point, and we can get the resources necessary to make sure this law is implemented fairly. because you're absolutely correct. it's not going to be a one-year implementation of the personal mandate. it's going to take a long time. it's going to take years. we know that. we also don't know what type of group will enroll in the first year. it might surprise
to speak at the bush institute i leapt at the opportunities a way of such an admirer of george w. bush. you stole my fender a little bit talking about 4% growth but i don't think we can accomplish i think it is a precondition but the only way that i have a problem with that is that we could do that of the fourth year of the non recovery there is no reason it cannot be growing much faster than it is even a five or six or 7 percent growth this is interesting if you look at the period of a quarter-century unprecedented growth that was a period when we have the average of almost 4 percent growth over the same time period unprecedented immigration well over 12 lead americans and people say that it would depress rage wages but the actual evidence shows the opposite the biggest boom was also the biggest immigration that doesn't mean they caused it but it is substantial evidence. the second point is with respect to states, at the "wall street journal" the least 10 it editorials comparing california and texas, it is good. >> those moving from california to texas. so what you have seen over the last
in the united states and certainly more than mayor sanchez and much more popular than george bush. but they are in these and untenable situation with the success is the unfavorable referendum because yet they have certain personality qualities and visions that make them suspect by their peers like the 19th century western that we see whether high noon, ethan edwards magnificence 73 bring the people in and they are suspect figures. we want them to get rid of the cattlemen but it is better than everyone or that they take the badge so whether real like it or not it did not and very well with themistocles ends with suicide 20 years later and tell sorus ended up the popular tradition ended up as dave we were trying to defend what he did but was not popular. for rescue ridgway was not made chairman of the joint chiefs and eisenhower he said. >> host: did not take thistles. was not ridgway but van fleet w. was not in the theater but he got involved with material controversy so finished the manuscript the petite blonde as she did have problems but these are controversial a and after the s
like, why the indonesian military shoot our church? they appeal to president george h.w. bush, and appealed to the eun, and marched through the streets, retracing the steps of the funeral two weeks before. some putting their hands up in the v sign-chanting, viva east timor, viva independence, incredibly brave. and i that marched from schools and home and march to the santa cruz cemetery. when we got there we were interviewing people. why are you risking your life to do this? and they would say, for my mother. for my father. for my village. it was wiped out. and then from the direction the procession has come we saw hundreds of indonesian soldiers carrying their u.s. m-16s at the ready position marching up on the crowd. 90% of the weapons used were from the united states. the army was armed, trained and financed be the united states. and in this day it was no different. the soldiers marched up ten to 12 abreast. alan and i were interviewing people in the middle of the crowd. and allen suggest we walk to the front of the crowd, because we knew that the indonesian military commit
Search Results 0 to 28 of about 29 (some duplicates have been removed)